By Professor Elizabeth M. Schneider, Elizabeth Schneider
Elizabeth Schneider has performed a pioneering position during this procedure. From an insider’s standpoint she explores how claims of rights for battered girls have emerged from feminist activism, and she or he assesses the chances and boundaries of feminist felony advocacy to enhance battered women’s lives and remodel legislation and tradition. The e-book chronicles the fight to include feminist arguments into legislation, relatively in circumstances of battered ladies who kill their assailants and battered ladies who're moms. With a vast standpoint on feminist lawmaking as a motor vehicle of social swap, Schneider examines topics as wide-ranging as legal prosecution of batterers, the civil rights treatment of the Violence opposed to girls Act of 1994, the O. J. Simpson trials, and a category on battered girls and the legislation that she taught at Harvard legislations college. Feminist lawmaking on lady abuse, Schneider argues, may still reaffirm the ancient imaginative and prescient of violence and gender equality that initially lively activist and criminal work.
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Additional resources for Battered Women and Feminist Lawmaking
This process of containment and subversion of feminist insights in law is complex. But these new dilemmas of feminist theory, and indeed, even the process of subversion, can help to deepen understanding, clarify issues, sharpen debate, and strengthen advocacy. Wanrow exempliﬁes the way that legal formulation of rights emerging from political analysis and practice can be expressive. The assertion of legal argumentation can ﬂow from political analysis and then become the basis for a more self-reﬂective and nuanced political analysis.
In this sense, the legal formulation not only grew out of political analysis but also pushed the political analysis forward. The particular legal focus on gender bias in the law of self-defense, and on what had been asserted as the absence of a women’s perspective in the courtroom, clariﬁed feminist analysis of the problems facing women who kill. It explained why both women defendants and the lawyers representing them were more likely to perceive these cases as appropriate for (and thus claim) insanity or impaired-mental-state defenses rather than self-defense.
The particular legal focus on gender bias in the law of self-defense, and on what had been asserted as the absence of a women’s perspective in the courtroom, clariﬁed feminist analysis of the problems facing women who kill. It explained why both women defendants and the lawyers representing them were more likely to perceive these cases as appropriate for (and thus claim) insanity or impaired-mental-state defenses rather than self-defense. Beginning to talk about the possibility of self-defense raised a set of important issues about women’s own sense of their experiences; women could not claim self-defense and present those claims to lawyers until they believed that they had ‘‘selves’’ to defend.