Arms Control [2 volumes]: History, Theory, and Policy by Robert E. Williams Jr.

By Robert E. Williams Jr.

Set opposed to a backdrop of terrorism, rogue states, non-conventional struggle, and deteriorating international relations, this encyclopedia deals a finished, multidisciplinary, up to date reference at the contemporary heritage and modern perform of hands keep an eye on and nonproliferation.

• 30 illustrations and photos

• Sidebars together with short biographical profiles and quotations

• Charts and graphs

• basic files

• Timelines

• thesaurus and checklist of acronyms

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Additional resources for Arms Control [2 volumes]: History, Theory, and Policy

Example text

It initially emerged because of a deficient conception of the true dimensions of the problem. Prior to World War I, it was widely assumed that a great war in Europe would be quite intolerable if it lasted very long—the cost in lives, the huge economic burden at home, the disruption of the international economic system, the impetus that would be given to domestic social revolution; all these consequences would be too much to bear. Since states couldn’t bear a long war, there wouldn’t be one, and governments planned accordingly.

Suggestions that the United States couple greater offensive forces with a hard target kill capacity and better preparations 34 Arms Control to survive a nuclear response so as to secure victory in a nuclear war fell in the same category. After World War II, many analysts concluded that short-war strategies were inherently unworkable. Actually, they were nearly successful in too many cases; the Schlieffen Plan didn’t fail by much, and Hitler scored some massive victories and came close to toppling the Soviet state.

A serious political conflict can only hamper cooperation; it adds to as well as reflects suspicion and hostility, hardly an ideal climate. The view that the political situation must be suitable if efforts at arms control are to succeed is a familiar one, appearing in the suggestion that an easing of political tensions must come in advance, as a precondition for arms control, as well as in the “linkage” argument that arms control must be accompanied by other positive indications to include even substantive agreements on other issues.

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